I
delivered my paper on autonomy last week at the biannual meeting of the
International Political Science Association in Montreal. Scott James, author of An
Introduction to Evolutionary Ethics commented on my paper, quite
critically as you will see below. I note
that Scott is a fan of jazz, so he isn’t wrong about everything.
In
fact, I think that this is the best set of comments I have ever received for a
conference paper. While I am confident that I
can answer each one of his criticisms, they are well made and thought
provoking. I will answer them in the
next post. Scott is a fine fellow and
you should get his book. Below are the
portions of his comments that are addressed to my paper, reproduced here with
his permission.
I note that most of my paper appears in bits and pieces in previous posts, under the titles autonomy and autonomous.
I note that most of my paper appears in bits and pieces in previous posts, under the titles autonomy and autonomous.
IPSA Discussion: Autonomy and Political
Liberty
Scott M. James
U. of North Carolina, Wilmington
Moral
psychology was once a rather navigable stream.
There were, to be sure, lively debates among sentimentalists and
rationalists, pessimists and optimists about human nature, but by and large the
stream was fed by two steady tributaries: conceptual analysis and routine
observation. Today that stream is a
river, and it rages. Its rapids are fed
by evolutionary psychology, genetics, biological anthropology, primatology,
developmental psychology, neurobiology, neurochemistry, philosophy—and the list
goes on. The speculation no doubt
continues, but empirical currents now course throughout. And the water is not likely to subside soon, for
it is now beyond serious debate that homo
sapiens are a product—and by no means the point—of the same biological
forces that shaped all organismic life.
While this change in weltanschauung greatly expanded our
resources for explanation, it also introduced new puzzles. For instance, most now expect that if we are
to tell a story of our development (and a
fortiori our moral development), we cannot rest content with a story told
in non-naturalistic terms. We must dig
deeper. But if we happen to succeed in
leaving the non-naturalistic behind, in formulating hypotheses in exclusively naturalistic
terms, won’t we be abandoning the very thing we sought to explain, viz., our normative nature? After all, didn't we learn that naturalistic
terms are co-extensional with non-normative terms? And what hope is there of accounting for the
normative in term of the non-normative?
One way of construing much of the recent theorizing in moral psychology
is as an effort to narrow the gap between these two domains, if not close it
altogether. But there are other
puzzles. Evidence now strongly suggests
that h. sapiens are and have been for
many millennia deeply social creatures. But
this history would lead one to suppose that autonomy plays a limited, if not
negligible, role in our normative discourse since (one might think) self-rule
requires a certain independence from others.
Both papers under consideration here aim at reconciliation, at seeing
clearly our moral natures through the forces of these many streams of thought.
The subject of the present work is
autonomy, a cornerstone property of moral agency. The concept is traditionally understood to
mean self-governing, but rarely do
philosophers mean only that. Ken Blanchard, Jr. seeks to close the
(alleged) gap between the autonomous nature of typical adult humans and its (apparent)
absence as one moves down the phylum.
Traditionally, the puzzle has been to reconstruct the origin of
autonomy—a robustly normative feature—using only the resources of the empirical
sciences. Blanchard attempts to
re-conceive the nature of the puzzle in such a way that its solution becomes
obvious. Andrew Sneddon seeks to make room
for autonomy amid the pressures of intense sociality. Both approaches offer critical philosophical oversight
of themes that too easily get trampled by empirical observations; their respective
solutions (or resolutions) are plausible and generally consistent with the
empirical evidence. Still, there are
areas where I am less persuaded. And
these areas in particular are likely to attract serious concern from less
sympathetic critics. So let me make the
case for them, even if I suspect that some of these complaints have ready
replies.
AUTONOMY SCHMAUTONOMY
Ken
Blanchard seems to think that the so-called puzzle surrounding the origin of
autonomy is of our own making. The
problem of the origins of autonomy (and perhaps, to a notable extent, the origins
of morality itself) is a philosopher’s myth.
We have mistaken the logic of our problem, as Ryle would say. The autonomous nature of typical humans
begins (and other sufficiently complex organisms) did not appear, quite miraculously,
at some hazy moment along our phylogenetic development, as the puzzle would
have us believe. Instead, our autonomous
nature was there along: “autonomy” applies equally across the biological
spectrum “whether in a single cell, resisting the influences of its environment,
or in a group of hunters, resisting the influences of a bully” (3). According to Blanchard, “autonomy is a
features of all organisms” (11). No
wonder then that “biological autonomy and human moral/political autonomy” turn
out to be, “in one sense, the same thing” (17).
All of this is supposedly motivated by the contention that autonomy is
“best understood as a Platonic idea” (3), in the sense that the concept plays a
“vital” role in both biological and political theorizing. This is a seductive, if hazy, idea. If it’s correct, it would be difficult to
overstate its potential, for it would dissolve the traditional puzzle of the
origin of autonomy in one swift stroke. If
part of what it is (and has always been) to be a biological individual is to be
autonomous, then the project is no longer accounting for autonomy’s origins so
much as delineating its nature. Is this
the prolegomenon of The Etiology of Morality?
Let me begin by sounding a
cautionary note before taking on the specifics of the argument. Even before we wade into the details, we ought
to assume a kind of skeptical stance towards projects of such ambition, for
they inherently risk flouting prudent advice.
Simon Blackburn, in a well-timed piece concerning the misuses of
science, warns against “confusing science with…the ideology of science” where
the latter involves “read[ing] ideologies into the natural record, rather than
read[ing] observations out of it, or more insidiously, when metaphors and analogies
are allowed to get out of hand” (2014: 233). Constructing monolithic accounts of human
nature in one set of terms or another is surely as old as the capacity for
self-reflection, and the track record is spotty. Part of the problem (to flip Blanchard’s
preferred narrative) may lie in Blanchard’s unquestioned support of what
appears to be a kind of Essentialism, the Aristotelian notion that everything
has a Natural State. But Essentialism
remains a highly contested notion—not simply among Aristotle scholars (Balm
1987a and 1987b), but especially so among biologists (Ehrlich
2000) and philosophers (Buller 2005; Blackburn 2014). The Human Genome, alas, is not the code for
Human Nature. Still, it may turn out, as
Blanchard no doubt hopes, that the notion of autonomy is indeed indispensible
at, say, the level of single-celled organisms.
But an uncharitable critic is likely to argue that what Blanchard has
done is, at best, shown how it is
possible to describe the activity
of organismic life in terms of autonomy.
But surely this is not enough to show that autonomous nature constitutes
an ontological feature of biological life “all the way down.” After all, it’s possible to describe the
behavior of entities at many levels using, say, the terms of Classical
Mechanics; however, as is well known, one would be mistaken in inferring that
those terms actually correspond to
forces in nature. Some good stories are
just good stories.
Blanchard shouldn’t of course have a
problem with this cautionary note, for he maintains there is evidence for
autonomy across the biological spectrum.
What is it? It is essential,
first, to clear up what it is we’re looking for: What does Blanchard mean by
autonomy? Throughout the paper, the
definition (ahem) evolves: we begin with the literal (“self-law;” “living under
[one’s] own laws”(6)), advancing to “liberty” and “self-government” (7), and,
finally, “the establishment of a new set of regulations within the existing ones
laid down by the environment” (10). According
to Blanchard, this implies that an autonomous agent has “an agenda of its own;”
it’s “up to something,” “trying to maintain itself” (10). Blanchard draws a line connecting Ruiz-Mirazo
and Moreno’s biological approach to Aristotle: we must start with the
individual, for the “living organism is an individual” that, in Ruiz-Mirazo and
Moreno’s terms, tends toward resistance.
This is supposed to be evident at all levels of biological life, with
“more complex and multidimensional forms of autonomy” (12) attending increases
in biological complexity aided by natural selection.
It’s difficult to know what to make
of this, for it’s hard to know exactly how seriously to take each step. If we are permitted even a modicum of
semantic liberty (as I think one must grant to Blanchard’s account), it’s not
hard to identify an individual with an “agenda of its own”—that’s “up to
something,” “trying to maintain itself”—but that fails to count as either
biological or autonomous, at least in light of my own intuitions. My refrigerator, my laptop, my car. As complex systems, they are designed to
process information in quite sophisticated ways and respond intelligently, but
I suspect some will resist concluding that these systems are autonomous, let
alone alive. Thus it appears that we
cannot treat these criteria as a set of sufficient conditions for autonomy (or
life).
But I would maintain that paradigmatic
exercises in autonomy—in humans at least—show that these criteria are not
necessary either. For instance,
bioethicists routinely invoke a patient’s autonomy in justifying the right to refuse
medical assistance or even to secure assistance in dying prematurely. We think that individuals in such cases have
the right of self-rule to determine what counts as a minimally acceptable
quality of life, and some will choose not
to maintain themselves, not to
resist dissolution. But these decisions
are plainly grounded in an individual’s autonomy. Now it may be that at the level of
self-reflective, sentient beings confronting their own mortality, we are
observing “new dimensions of autonomy.” But
when “new forms” of X entail forms
incompatible with X, it’s easy to
suspect that the subject has indeed changed.
We are now talking about Y. Blanchard of course anticipates these
headwinds and attempts to tack into them by employing broader and broader
conceptions of autonomy. But these
moves, it seems to me, come at a serious cost: We may (may) gain some low-resolution image of the entire spectrum of
biological life, but we lose the critical nuances that have made (at least in
the modern period) human autonomy such a freighted and provocative normative
concept. If Blanchard is correct that
Amy the Amoeba is autonomous, we’re going to want a new concept (schmautonomy) to explain why it is that
Amy from Amherst can choose, say, to reject her family’s rigid religious expectations
and embrace a life marked by a radically different scale of values. One might think a more interesting project is
limning the contours of the structure of schmautonomy,
rather than autonomy. That there are
conceptual links to Amy the Amoeba can appear to be a matter of
bookkeeping.
This point is underlined by some of the
recent empirical research on human evolution.
Blanchard maintains, based on the work of the biological anthropologist
Chris Boehm, that “individual human autonomy is the driver of [the evolution of
human morality]” (17). Unless I have
failed to fully grasp Blanchard’s central conception of autonomy (and that is undoubtedly
possible), I think Boehm’s work shows just the reverse: early hominids were driven to autonomy or self-rule by the
intense moral sanctioning of conspecifics within a group. Boehm writes:
Group sanctioning is an aggressive and deliberately manipulative way of solving social problems, and it became a potent tool in the hands of modern humans…As a result, within groups social predators were punitively reformed or eliminated while, more generally, negatively-oriented social selection became a powerful force in the biological evolution of human cooperation…I have proposed that starting about a quarter of a million years ago there may well have been a dramatic increase in the rate of evolution of our moral capacity to internalize rules and judge ourselves by them to see what we can get away with as we try to build useful social reputations. (2014: 176).
Nothing
in Boehm’s hypothesis rules out Blanchard’s contention that some form of
autonomy is present “all the way down.” But the modern conception of autonomy (schmautonomy), at least from Boehm’s
perspective, was a relatively recent product of punitive social selection. We can indulge in philosophical fantasy for a
moment to appreciate that our history did not have to take that path. We can imagine environments where resources
were abundant or that humans were divinely endowed with bottomless
altruism. Under these circumstances,
punitive social selection would be negligible and autonomy, to the extent that
it would even be recognizable, would assume a quite different character.
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